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Many of the most intense and destructive arguments roiling our cultural waters right now arise from one long-standing problem: the difficulty of finding appropriate words to describe coitus. And in beginning to describe the problem, I have already used a word that will sound odd to many people: such an abstract and clinical word to describe so intensely physical an act.
But what might I have written instead? If you look at the Oxford English Dictionary for options, youβll find no shortage of them, ranging across the past six centuries. Someβfor the sake of sensitive readers I shall spare examplesβare frankly crude, and meant to be. Others share with βcoitusβ a Latinate distance from the act and a reliance on words that connote bringing two things together: congress, conjunction, copulation. Some indulge in a nudge-nudge wink-wink periphrasis: βthe service of Venusβ or βthe last favour,β the latter even more delicate in Frenchβla derniΓ¨re faveur. The British seem to be fond of broad humour, both in the past (βplaying at hot cocklesβ) and more recently (βrumpy-bumpyβ). And hereβs perhaps the most abstract euphemism of them all: βthe other thing.β
One could go on. But despite this inexhaustible variety, around a century ago our journalists and general-audience writers settled on a single dominant term: βsexual intercourse.β Not an important thing in itselfβbut it led to something consequential: the shortening of βsexual intercourseβ to βsex.β
Why do I call that development consequential? Because the word βsexβ already had a common meaning. As the OED puts it in definition 1a of that word:
Either of the two main categories (male and female) into which humans and many other living things are divided on the basis of their reproductive functions; (hence) the members of these categories viewed as a group; the males or females of a particular species, esp. the human race, considered collectively.
(The first example of this usage is in the Wycliffite English Bible, ca. 1382.) All very straightforwardβbut when βsexβ comes to be the overwhelmingly dominant word for the service of Venus, confusion is sown. Now itβs hard to use βsexβ to speak of βthe two main categories (male and female) into which humans and many other living things are divided on the basis of their reproductive functionsβ without making your listeners think of .Β .Β . the other thing.
Thus the search began to find an alternative way to talk about βthe two main categoriesββthe sexes. And we all know what word has emerged as the solution to that problem: βgender.β And if the emergence of βsexβ as the standard word for coitus was consequential, this second emergence has become momentous.
Why? Letβs look at the OEDβs definition 1a for βgenderβ:
In some (esp.Β Indo-European) languages, as Latin, French, German, English, etc.: each of the classes (typically masculine, feminine, neuter, common) of nouns and pronouns distinguished by the different inflections which they have and which they require in words syntactically associated with them; similarly applied to adjectives (and in some languages verbs) to denote the appropriate form for accompanying a noun of such a class. Also: the fact, condition, or property of belonging to such a class; the classification of language in this way.
That is to say, βgenderβ is fundamentally a grammatical termβand, as we know from languages that use gendered formations more liberally than English does, these grammatical traits have no connection whatsoever with biological sex. (In German, for instance, the days of the week are masculine, numbers are feminine, and colours are neuter.) Now, to be sure, βgenderβ has never been used only in grammatical contexts: speaking of the human genders goes back a long way, though the OED says such usage is often humorous, and it is pretty rare. The grammatical meaning was, until quite recently, overwhelmingly dominant.
Why does this matter? Because of something we were taught by the great Russian philologist and thinker Mikhail Bakhtin: that words never altogether shed their histories. As he wrote in a notebook near the end of his life, βEven past meanings, that is, those born in the dialogue of past centuries, can never be stable (finalized, ended once and for all)βthey will always change (be renewed) in the process of subsequent, future development of the dialogue. At any moment in the development of the dialogue there are immense, boundless masses of forgotten contextual meanings, but at certain moments of the dialogueβs subsequent development along the way they are recalled and invigorated in renewed form (in a new context).β This βrecallingβ is precisely what is at work in the redeployment of βgenderβ in a new context: it retains its grammatical character even when used to mean something quite different.
Consider this: As noted above, grammatical gender is often arbitrary. Thereβs no intrinsic reason why numbers should be feminine and colours neuter. Gender in such cases is, as it were, simply assignedβan idea that returns in new form when people say that βLeslie was assigned female at birth.β The arbitrariness is carried over to its new use. Conversely, βsexβ (in its traditionally dominant sense) is anything but arbitrary: sexual reproduction is the most common way that new animals, plants, and fungi are produced.
To talk about our current debates as debates about βgenderβ is already to concede the most essential point at issue: whether maleness and femaleness are rooted in biological reality or are basically linguistic, arbitrary signifiers.
We are now in a position to understand how we got into the situation weβre in. When βsexβ became the most common term for coitus, we found ourselves needing a different term to describe the distinction between male and female. And when in turn βgenderβ emerged as that term, it was inevitably accompanied by the arbitrary character that it possesses in its grammatical context. Moreover, that emergence occurred in a social world that had come (for reasons too complex to be traced here) to perceive the human individual as the locus of meaning and valueβas a rational actor choosing its own meanings, its own values. The sense of arbitrariness embedded in the term βgenderβ is a perfect fit for such a society; indeed, perhaps this is why βgenderβ emerged as the preferred substitute for βsexβ to describe what male and female are.
Therefore, to talk about our current debates as debates about βgenderβ is already to concede the most essential point at issue: whether maleness and femaleness are rooted in biological reality or are basically linguistic, arbitrary signifiers. The first step in making these debates more productive is to call attention to the philological facts: the ways that our language for discussing these matters has changed, giving a certain structure to our debates.
But what, specifically, do I mean by βthese mattersβ? Sometimes it can be hard to tell precisely what weβre arguing about. And here I would commend a tactic I have developed over several decades of teaching college students, who have a tendency to rely too heavily on key terms they havenβt fully understood. βYou keep using that word,β I say to them. βI am not sure that it means what you think it means. But help me out: tell me again what youβre trying to sayβwithout using that word.β





